Category: Canada

TSX rises on cooler inflation data, US tariff relief hopes

Canada’s main stock index rose on Tuesday as domestic inflation rate unexpectedly cooled, while prospects of automotive tariff exemptions further lifted investor sentiment.

Toronto Stock Exchange’s S&P/TSX Composite Index rose 0.6% to 24,010.13 points.

Domestic data showed Canada’s annual inflation rate unexpectedly slowed to 2.3% in March, down from 2.6% in February, primarily due to falling gasoline and travel tour prices.

“The market is probably encouraged to see inflation coming down here in Canada to a certain degree,” said Brian Madden, chief investment officer and portfolio manager at First Avenue Investment Counsel.

Despite this overall decline, core inflation measures closely watched by the Bank of Canada remained high.

The data comes just before the Bank of Canada’s monetary policy decision on Wednesday; markets currently forecast a 57% chance the bank will pause after seven consecutive rate cuts.

On the tariff front, U.S President Donald Trump on Monday suggested potential exemptions for the 25% tariffs on imports of autos and auto parts from Mexico, Canada and other regions.

Resource shares help lift Toronto stock market to weekly gain

“I think the President is getting quite an earful from the manufacturers in the U.S., who are pointing out that the auto supply chain is very tightly integrated across Canada, the U.S. and Mexico,” Madden said.

“It is very difficult to repatriate the manufacturing of literally everything to the United States.”

Separately, Canadian housing starts declined 3.3% in March compared with the previous month, data from the national housing agency showed on Tuesday.

On the TSX, information technology shares led the gains, rising 1.7%.

Heavy-weight financials rose 0.8%, with Brookfield Asset Management rising 2%.

On the flip side, consumer staples and consumer discretionary were down 1% and 0.4% respectively.

Among individual stocks, women’s clothing retailer Group Dynamite climbed 5.2% after reporting upbeat fourth-quarter results and announcing a share buyback program.

What Turns a Canadian into a Terrorist? Sometimes, Canada Itself

I n the days after 9/11, the United States and Canada feared that another attack on the West was imminent. The George W. Bush and Jean Chrétien administrations envisaged the possibility of al-Qaeda cells operating all across North America. There was, of course, no data on whether this was the case. But what is certain is that few threats materialized for several years. In Canada, the first credible threat occurred a full five years after 9/11, with the Toronto 18 plot of 2006, which saw a group of Muslims contemplate attacks on the Toronto Stock Exchange.

In 2007, the US Department of Homeland Security still boasted that the country’s system of liberal rights and integration should be credited with preventing radicalization among US Muslims. But a steady stream of terrorist plots in the following years would belie this statement. By 2010, homeland security director Janet Napolitano affirmed that threats to national security had shifted from the foreign terrorist to homegrown radicals: “those who have lived for years in the West and who move seamlessly—often with the advantage of citizenship—in and out of target populations.”

By the time the Islamic State’s caliphate took its last breath, hundreds of Canadians and Americans had joined the jihadist organization. How do we account for this shift? What happened within Muslim communities that created the homegrown terrorist? The jihadist ideology that gave birth to the homegrown radical was, and could only have been, the product of a post-9/11 world. This is because it was a direct response to the War on Terror.

Radicalization is the greatest threat we face, or so we were told. And while national security experts have also recently labelled white supremacist groups as radical, Muslims are the original and paradigmatic bearers of this term. The post-9/11 era gave rise to the emerging discipline of radicalization studies. Experts—typically white, non-Muslim social scientists—now dedicated themselves to studying how and why Muslims became radical.

Radicalization studies emphasizes a whole host of social and individual factors that might serve as causal variables in a Muslim’s trajectory toward embracing a jihadist ideology in which violent political action is legitimated in the name of the Islamic faith. Lorenzo Vidino, director of the program on extremism at George Washington University, explains that “radicalization is the term of art used by academics and policy makers to describe the process that an individual undergoes when [he] embraces an extremist ideology, and then, in some cases . . . undertakes acts of violence in furtherance of that ideology.”

The problem with the discourse is that it hides the historical complexity of political and religious life. Radicalization studies emerged as a response to 9/11, amid concerns about understanding the jihadist enemy. Moreover, experts have often served within national security agencies like the US Central Intelligence Agency. Radicalization is a discourse in the service of the state’s management of suspect populations. How would we see it differently if we examined it not as an object located in suspect individuals but as a strategy of the state? What new histories would emerge about our post-9/11 world? What new understandings not only of Islam and jihad but also of national suspicion, policing, and violence in the US and Canada might this shift produce?

A proper historical analysis demands that, instead of sweeping our insecurities under the rug, we ask in what ways the War on Terror could be so problematic that some of our own citizens came to formulate and embrace a theory of just war against it. Acknowledging our complicity in producing violence does not excuse the jihadist. Historians who argue that the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 produced the conditions for the Second World War do not thereby justify Nazi ideology or actions. But they do add complexity to historical analysis—which is difficult when we are still party to the violence.

I n the weeks after the twin towers in New York City fell, the Canadian government made it clear that Muslim citizens were not to be blamed for the carnage meted out on Canada’s southern neighbour. In this regard, it followed the Bush administration, which called Islam a religion of sound teachings.

The government’s actions were meant to allay national anxieties about the enemy within. In the days after 9/11, suspicion of the Muslim had intensified. Fears of divided loyalties and fifth columns emerged, compounded by a legacy of orientalist stereotypes and images of brown-skinned terrorists that became fodder for countless 1980s and ’90s action movies.

But upon closer examination, it would be more accurate to say that the state sought a monopoly over the representation of the nation and the right to defend it. The government resorted to a dual strategy of publicly positioning Muslims as allies to Western civilization while privately sanctioning pervasive state surveillance of Muslim communities. The strategy reflected the government’s aim of keeping the peace at home while avoiding overt violations of the democratic and liberal values upon which Canada’s national identity and civilizational superiority had been constructed during the Cold War.

The policy protected Muslim communities from vigilante violence, which, also in the name of the nation, had begun to target mosques and Muslim individuals across North America. At the same time, it made Muslims particularly vulnerable to state forms of violence. In effect, the state arrogated to itself the right to distinguish “rational” national suspicions from excessive populist ones.

The state’s system of surveillance functioned according to a scale of suspicion. Muslims’ shared faith with al-Qaeda and the Taliban rendered them suspect by default. This suspicion was not entirely new: Muslims had already been on the radar of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service—CSIS—and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police—RCMP. Arabs were particularly subject to monitoring during the First Gulf War. After 9/11, CSIS increasingly sought to infiltrate Muslim communities by pressuring their members to become informants. And it was typically young, male Muslims who attracted especially heightened state suspicion.

By outsourcing the more unsavoury treatment of Muslims to security agencies, the state’s violence largely remained in the shadows.

C SIS was formed in 1984 in response to the discrediting of an RCMP spy division. The RCMP had come under heavy scrutiny for intrusions into civilian life. Among their offences were investigations of well-established and popular political parties like the New Democratic Party and the Parti Québécois, the former for its socialism and the latter for its commitment to Quebec separatism.

The Macdonald Report of 1981 made several recommendations to curb abuses when gathering national intelligence. Among them was that Canada’s spy agency be removed from the ambit of the RCMP and be civilianized. The consequences would be twofold. First, the intelligence agency would be led by career bureaucrats rather than trained police officers. Second, the agency’s mandate would be limited to intelligence gathering, being now stripped of the authority to make arrests.

Another recommendation was the creation of an independent oversight body that would monitor the agency’s activities and ensure it did not trespass on Canadians’ rights and freedoms. The Liberal government of the time used Macdonald’s recommendations to pass the CSIS Act, giving birth to a new spy agency. But despite these changes, CSIS ended up largely being a continuation of its predecessor. Historians characterized Canada’s new spy agency as old wine in a new bottle. Part of the reason for this continuity was that the same individuals who had led the RCMP’s spy division were now appointed to senior roles inside CSIS.

These officials traded in their police uniforms for civilian garb, but the institutional culture they knew and promoted in the RCMP came to CSIS with them—including its tendency to countenance abuse of power. A prominent example of this abuse is the case of Suleyman Goven. Goven was a Kurdish refugee who settled in Toronto in 1991. Shortly after his arrival, he co-founded and became president of the Toronto Kurdish Community Centre, which generally had favourable views of the PKK, a Kurdish organization seeking independence in Turkey.

CSIS accused Goven of belonging to the PKK and of supporting its violent tactics. But it also approached Goven with an invitation for him to work with them as an informant. They threatened to have his immigration application denied if he refused. Goven rejected the claims that he belonged to the PKK and turned down CSIS’s offer to become an informant—and, true to their word, CSIS ensured that his immigration application was denied. Goven fought for many years to have his name cleared and obtain Canadian citizenship. His case became well known to the body created to oversee CSIS’s activities, the Security Intelligence Review Committee—SIRC.

In 2000, SIRC found that there was no credible evidence Goven was ever part of the PKK. Had the story ended here, we might conclude that SIRC provided the necessary oversight to prevent CSIS’s abuses of power. But despite being proven wrong, CSIS continued to harass Goven and place considerable roadblocks on his path to citizenship. In short, CSIS attempted to coerce a vulnerable individual to become an informant, and they were vindictive when the individual refused.

In the early 2000s, journalist Andrew Mitrovica expressed doubt that CSIS could successfully defend national security while respecting Canadians’ rights in the new era of the War on Terror. Mitrovica had extensively interviewed a former agent turned whistleblower. His informant painted a picture of an agency that was both inept and deeply corrupt. He reported that illegal searches of property were standard agency practice and attested to intelligence leaks, also noting that the agency would use its funds for private ends. Further, Mitrovica rejected contentions that SIRC or the investigator general (also charged with overseeing CSIS activities) could effectively monitor CSIS, claiming that these oversight bodies were privy only to the information that the CSIS director volunteered.

If history had unfolded differently, perhaps CSIS’s abuses and corruption in the late ’90s and early 2000s would have sufficiently worried the public to push elected officials to further restructure the agency. But after September 11, 2001, politicians and the public saw CSIS as more important than ever before, and thus, sizable amounts of money were directed to its coffers. 9/11 created a perfect storm, in which an agency with a questionable track record for respecting citizens’ rights was given copious public funds and the state’s confidence to protect Canadians against foreign and domestic threats.

It is no surprise, then, that troubling reports about CSIS’s conduct during the War on Terror have emerged over the years. Judges have rebuked the agency for seeking the detention and deportation of permanent residents based on flimsy evidence. Journalists and historians have identified instances in which its information sharing has led to the imprisonment and torture of Canadians on foreign soil. And recently, former CSIS employees have sued the spy agency for the pervasive anti-Muslim racism they encountered while at work.

One former employee told the CBC that her colleagues treated her as an internal threat while she performed her duties. She reports being questioned on why she wore the hijab and being asked to undergo a lie detector test and to cut ties with her community. SIRC reports document Muslims’ experiences of feeling physically threatened, abused, and intimidated during their interactions with CSIS.

While politicians emphasized that domestic Muslim populations were not the enemy, the state nonetheless gave its security agency the power to go out and find the bad Muslims wherever they might be. Stated differently, the state gave CSIS carte blanche to live out a heroic narrative of locating the terrorist threat among a suspect Muslim population.

H ow did CSIS’s surveillance impact the Muslim population in Canada? Sociologist Baljit Nagra gives us insight into Canadian Muslims’ experiences with CSIS from 2004 to 2008. In her study of educated Muslim youth, she highlights young Muslims’ pervasive sense of being unfairly targeted. Nagra interprets this surveillance as part of a state of exception imposed on Muslims after 9/11. Muslims, according to her, were unable to fully benefit from rights afforded to fellow citizens, instead being forced to mobilize so that they might claim equal access to the Canadian nation.

In her study of Islamophobia, Under Siege: The 9/11 Generation, Jasmin Zine documents the extent and impact of CSIS’s surveillance of campuses: “surveillance campaigns,” she writes, “have targeted university campuses in ways disproportionate to demonstrated threats from these sites.” Zine documents the fears, anxieties, and self-policing that CSIS surveillance of Muslims produced. She contends that Muslims who grew up in the shadow of 9/11 came to experience their presence in Canada as “a problem” for the Canadian multicultural nation.

CSIS’s attitudes toward Muslims in the post-9/11 era cannot be divorced from widespread anti-Muslim racism in North America. The suspicion and violence against Muslims during the War on Terror reveal something about our deep-seated national fears. The “enemy within” raises the spectre that perhaps nothing is really holding the nation together. In times of war and peace, the state’s function is to define the nation by mobilizing symbols and instituting practices that can sufficiently justify the notion of a united people. In effect, the state needs to continually reimagine the national community.

The assumption is that liberal democratic states have met this challenge by building multi-ethnic nations premised primarily upon political rights rather than language, race, or religious background. But the War on Terror suggests that the language of political values is still deeply wedded to a racial- and territorial-origin story. The liberal and democratic rights that are meant to bind us together are tied to a civilizational project with deep colonial roots that saw white Europe as the natural teacher to the colonized “savages” of the non-European world.

I have little doubt that someday there will be deep national contrition for the treatment of Canadian and American Muslim citizens during the War on Terror. But we are not there yet.

Adapted and excerpted from Homegrown Radicals: A Story of State Violence, Islamophobia, and Jihad in the Post-9/11 World by Youcef Soufi, published by the University of Regina Press. Copyright © 2025 Youcef Soufi. All rights reserved.

Youcef Soufi
Youcef Soufi is a researcher in Islamophobia with the Centre for Human Rights Research at the University of Manitoba and former chair of the Canadian Association for the Study of Islam and Muslims.

Strengthen Continuity Plans Now, Industry Insiders Warn


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ISC to Release 2025 First Quarter Financial Results on May 6, 2025


ISC to Release 2025 First Quarter Financial Results on May 6, 2025 – Toronto Stock Exchange News Today – EIN Presswire




















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Purpose Investments to Launch World’s First Spot Solana ETF


Purpose Investments to Launch World’s First Spot Solana ETF – Toronto Stock Exchange News Today – EIN Presswire




















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Canada Approves First Spot Solana ETFs with Staking for April 16 Launch

TLDR

Table of Contents

  • Canada will launch spot Solana ETFs with staking capabilities on April 16, 2025
  • Purpose, Evolve, CI, and 3iQ are the approved asset managers for these ETFs
  • The ETFs will allow staking for added yield, ahead of US regulatory approval
  • US Solana futures ETFs have seen limited investor interest so far
  • Canada has previously led with crypto ETFs, launching the first spot Bitcoin ETF in 2021

Canada plans to launch several spot Solana (SOL) exchange-traded funds (ETFs) with staking capabilities on April 16, 2025. These will be the world’s first spot Solana ETFs, according to Bloomberg senior ETF analyst Eric Balchunas.

The Ontario Securities Commission (OSC), which oversees the Toronto Stock Exchange, has approved four asset managers to list these products. Purpose Investments, Evolve Funds Group, CI Global Asset Management, and 3iQ Digital Asset Management will offer the ETFs.

This launch highlights Canada’s leading role in crypto ETF innovation. The country previously launched the first spot Bitcoin ETF in February 2021, well ahead of similar products in the United States.

Staking Yields Create Competitive Advantage

What makes these Solana ETFs unique is their staking capability. Staking allows ETF holders to earn rewards from the underlying SOL tokens being staked on the network.

According to a TD Bank circular shared by Balchunas, “The new Solana ETFs will engage in staking activities to earn rewards, which may provide higher yields than Ether staking and reduce overall ETF holding costs.”

This feature could attract investors looking for both price exposure and passive income. The staking component gives Canadian ETFs a competitive advantage over current US offerings.

US regulators have been hesitant to approve staking in ETFs. On Monday, the SEC delayed a decision on Grayscale’s proposal to include staking in its spot Ethereum ETF until June 1, 2025.

Expanding Global Interest in Crypto ETFs

The launch comes amid growing global interest in regulated crypto investment products. Since January 2024, when the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) approved the first batch of spot Bitcoin ETFs, there has been a wave of filings for other digital assets.

Several US asset managers have submitted proposals for altcoin-based spot ETFs. WisdomTree, Bitwise, 21Shares, Franklin Templeton, and Canary Capital have filed for products tied to cryptocurrencies like XRP and Solana.

However, none of these US altcoin ETF applications have received regulatory approval yet. Bloomberg analyst James Seyffart has projected that US-listed ETFs might gain permission to engage in staking by late 2025.

Early Performance Indicators

The performance of existing US Solana futures ETFs might provide clues about investor appetite for these products. Balchunas noted that two Solana ETFs in the US that track futures have attracted very little in assets under management.

Volatility Shares’ Solana ETF (SOLZ) has only accumulated around $5 million in net assets since its March launch. Balchunas added that a leveraged XRP ETF already has more assets under management than both US Solana ETFs combined, despite launching later.

“Wouldn’t read a ton into it, but it’s our first look at the alt coin race,” Balchunas wrote on X. He cautioned that these futures-based products aren’t perfect comparisons for spot ETFs.

Broader Crypto Market Context

The launch comes during a period of market volatility for Solana. The cryptocurrency was trading at $129.97 as of the reporting date, down 2.2% over 24 hours according to CoinGecko data.

Other cryptocurrencies have shown recent strength. XRP, Solana, and Dogecoin all gained at least 7.5% in a single day after President Trump paused his tariff plan for 90 days.

The broader crypto ETF space has experienced mixed results recently. US Ethereum ETFs have faced five consecutive days of outflows totaling $88.5 million as part of larger April withdrawals.

Bitcoin ETFs have also seen outflows, losing approximately 10,000 Bitcoin in April. Despite these outflows, ETFs remain major Bitcoin holders, controlling about 6.1% of the total supply globally.

Institutional Adoption Continues

The Canadian Solana ETF approval comes amid other signs of increasing mainstream crypto adoption. PayPal and Venmo recently announced plans to add support for Solana and Chainlink.

Users of these popular payment apps will soon be able to buy, sell, hold, and transfer SOL directly within their accounts. PayPal stated that adding these coins reflects its “dedication to the evolving digital currency landscape.”

Regulated crypto ETFs have also emerged in other markets. Hong Kong and Australia have introduced spot crypto ETFs, showing the global nature of institutional demand for compliant digital asset exposure.

As Canada prepares to launch these staking-enabled spot Solana ETFs, they once again demonstrate their leadership in crypto investment products. The success of these ETFs could influence future regulatory decisions in the US and other markets.

Canada to Launch ‘World First’ Spot Solana ETFs With Staking This Week: Balchunas

Canada plans to launch a number of spot Solana (SOL) exchange-traded funds (ETFs) with staking capabilities on Wednesday, according to Bloomberg senior ETF analyst Eric Balchunas.

In a post on X, Balchunas cited a circular from Toronto-Dominion Bank stating that the Ontario Securities Commission (OSC), which oversees the Toronto Stock Exchange, has approved four asset managers to list the new products. 

“The OSC today gave the go-ahead to ETF issuers, including Purpose, Evolve, CI, and 3iQ, to list the world’s first spot Solana ETFs in Canada,” a screenshotted copy of the circular reads.

“All soon-to-be-launched Solana will invest in long-term holdings of Solana in physical form but will track different indices,” it continues. “The new Solana ETFs will engage in staking activities to earn rewards, which may provide higher yields than Ether staking and reduce overall ETF holding costs.”

Solana is currently trading at $129.97, down 2.2% over the last 24 hours, CoinGecko data shows.

The upcoming Solana ETF launch comes amid accelerating interest in spot crypto ETFs globally. In January 2024, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) approved the first batch of spot Bitcoin ETFs after years of resistance. 

That move has since triggered a wave of filings tied to other digital assets in the country, particularly following crypto-friendly President Donald Trump’s reelection late last year and a changing guard at the SEC.

However, Balchunas warned that two Solana ETFs in the U.S. that track futures had very little in assets under management, though it’s not a perfect comparison.

“The 2x XRP already has more AUM than both the Solana ETFs, and it came out after. Wouldn’t read a ton into it, but it’s our first look at the alt coin race,” he wrote. 

Asset managers in the U.S., such as WisdomTree, Bitwise, 21Shares, Franklin Templeton, and Canary Capital, have also submitted proposals for altcoin-based spot ETFs such as XRP and Solana. However, none of these applications have yet received regulatory approval.

Meanwhile, Hong Kong and Australian markets have also introduced regulated spot crypto ETFs, reflecting a broader push among institutional investors for compliant digital asset exposure. Canada approved its first spot Bitcoin ETF in February 2021.

Staking has become a key feature in the next generation of crypto ETFs. While Canadian regulators have approved staking in ETFs, U.S. authorities remain hesitant.

On Monday, the SEC delayed a decision on Grayscale’s proposal to include staking in its spot Ethereum ETF. The Commission extended the review period to June 1, 2025, citing the need for further analysis.

To date, the SEC has not approved staking in any ETF. Bloomberg analyst James Seyffart has projected that U.S.-listed ETFs could gain permission to engage in staking by late 2025, depending on regulatory developments.

Edited by Sebastian Sinclair

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PrairieSky Announces Results of the Annual Meeting of Shareholders


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Osisko Development Announces Supplemental Listing of Warrants


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Tariff Fears Pose ‘Material Risks’ To US And Global Economies, Goldman Sachs CEO Warns

Shares of Avicanna Inc. AVCN AVCNF rallied more than 26% on the TSX exchange on Monday following the company’s release of its full-year 2024 audited financial results. The cannabis-biotech firm reported its most successful year to date, delivering double-digit revenue growth, significantly improved margins and a slate of clinical advancements across its cannabinoid-based product pipeline.

Revenue Growth And Margin Expansion Mark Operational Turning Point

Avicanna reported annual revenue of CA$25.5 million ($18.38 million) for the year ended December 31, 2024, up 52% compared to 2023. Fourth-quarter revenue totaled CA$6.6 million. Gross profits climbed to CA$12.9 million, a 94% year-over-year increase, with consolidated gross margins improving from 40% in 2023 to 51% in 2024.

“We are proud to report our most successful year to date, marked by improved financial results and continued advancements in our commercial, R&D and clinical programs,” said Aras Azadian, CEO of Avicanna. “In 2024, we strengthened our financial foundation, achieved self-sufficiency, and established a solid basis for further growth, international expansion and innovation.”

The company also narrowed its adjusted EBITDA loss to CA$1.4 million in 2024, a 68% improvement compared to the CA$4.3 million loss reported in 2023. Additionally, Avicanna repaid the outstanding principal balance of CA$1.3 million on its non-convertible debentures issued in August 2023.

Clinical Milestones Drive Investor Confidence

Alongside its financial performance, Avicanna’s clinical and product development updates appear to be boosting investor sentiment. In 2024, the company initiated a national Real World Evidence (RWE) study through its medical cannabis platform MyMedi.ca. The study aims to enroll 1,000 patients across Canada to examine the therapeutic impact of cannabis on conditions such as pain, sleep disturbances, anxiety, depression, and epilepsy.

The company also completed several research initiatives:

  • Epidermolysis Bullosa (EB) Study: Conducted in partnership with The Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto, the study evaluated the safety and efficacy of Avicanna’s proprietary 3% CBD topical cream. Among participants, 55% reported improvements in wound healing, while 45% experienced wound stability.
  • Musculoskeletal Pain Study: An observational RWE study involving Avicanna’s transdermal gel—containing 2% CBD and 1% CBG—found a 35.4% improvement in musculoskeletal health scores one month after treatment, including gains in daily functioning and symptom relief.
  • Trunerox Approval in Colombia: Avicanna LATAM SAS received regulatory approval from Colombia’s INVIMA agency to market Trunerox for the treatment of Lennox-Gastaut Syndrome and Dravet Syndrome, two rare forms of childhood epilepsy. This indication-specific drug registration enables commercial distribution in Colombia, though Health Canada has not yet approved the product.

Commercial Expansion And Pharma Partnerships

Domestically, Avicanna concluded 2024 with 42 proprietary SKUs and 136 commercial listings across Canada. The company sold roughly 200,000 units during the year, reflecting an 8% increase from 2023.

On the international front, Avicanna completed its first delivery of proprietary cannabinoid-based topical products to a multinational pharmaceutical company. The shipment included a 3% CBD localized cream and a 2% CBD + 0.5% CBG transdermal gel, both of which had previously undergone human irritation and efficacy studies.

IP Portfolio Strengthens With U.S. Patent Approvals

In 2024, Avicanna also secured two U.S. patents:

  • Patent No. US 12,064,461 B2 covers its deep-penetrating topical cannabinoid composition aimed at musculoskeletal pain and inflammation.
  • Patent No. US 11,998,632 B2 covers its self-emulsifying drug delivery system (SEDDS) for oral cannabinoid formulations targeting neuropathic pain.

These additions further expand Avicanna’s intellectual property moat, positioning it as a notable player in the pharmaceutical cannabinoid sector.

Azadian concluded, “We remain committed to our mission of advancing cannabinoid-based medicine and are energized by the prospects that lie ahead as we continue to expand and strengthen our core business pillars.”

Following the report, Avicanna’s share price surged on the Toronto Stock Exchange, reflecting renewed investor confidence in its long-term growth potential and scientific roadmap.

Photo: Shutterstock

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